Ultra-Orthodox partners, for instance, want to strengthen a system that grants them exemptions from compulsory military service in order to study religious texts. The nonstop crises have distracted Netanyahu from his traditional focus on security and diplomatic issues.ĭomestically, these partners have alienated large swaths of the Israeli public, primarily secular, middle-class taxpayers, with demands widely seen as religious coercion or infringing on the rights of LGBTQ people, Palestinian citizens and other minorities. These partners have antagonized the United States and other Western allies, as well as Israel’s new Arab allies in the Gulf, by aggressively pushing for West Bank settlement construction and making controversial statements about the Palestinians. When Netanyahu finally was able to secure a parliamentary majority after the most recent vote last November, he required the support of ultra-Orthodox and ultranationalist parties to form the country’s most right-wing government in history. Since he was indicted on corruption charges in 2019, a string of former partners and allies have abandoned him, plunging the country into five rounds of elections in under four years. Much of Netanyahu’s predicament is rooted in his own legal woes. While other protest groups said they would suspend their activities, they also said they were ready to spring back into action if necessary. “The government will not be able to pass the judicial coup because the millions of citizens who have protested until now, will not give up.” “The protesters who take to the streets are not stupid,” the grassroots protest movement said Tuesday. If anything, his opponents appear to have been emboldened by the success of their protests. “Rather it’s a cease-fire, perhaps for regrouping, reorganizing, reorienting and then potentially charging ahead.”Īs Netanyahu tries to regroup, those obstacles show no sign of disappearing. Plesner said that Netanyahu’s pause this week did not mark a “domestic peace accord” between Israelis.
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